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JOURNAL FROM IRAQ

You are there. This is as good a read as any novel. Medea Benjamin puts a dimensional human face o­n what it's like in Iraq for our troops and for the Iraqis, and paints a sobering picture of the dangerous quagmire we are in. After all our outrage, this is something else again. Just start reading it and see if you can stop.

JOURNAL FROM IRAQ by Medea Benjamin, 6/27/03

Our entry point to Iraq was Jordan, where we arrived after 16 hours of plane rides. Gael Murphy from Code Pink in Washington DC and I are the “advance team”, with a larger group scheduled to join us in Baghdad in early July. We are coming as emissaries of different US peace groups Global Exchange, Code Pink, Fellowship of Reconciliation, and the umbrella coalition United for Peace and Justice.

The purpose of our trip is to lay the groundwork for setting up an International Occupation Watch Center in Baghdad that would get out reliable information to the global peace movement about the actions of the occupying forces and the US companies. The center would also support emerging Iraqi independent groups and serve as a hub for international visitors who want to support Iraqi efforts to end the occupation and truly help Iraqis rebuild their country.

There are two ways to get to Iraq from Jordan — by air and by land. The air option is limited, however, as there are still no commercial flights. There are UN planes that sometimes take staff from humanitarian organizations when there is extra space. But they are often booked or get canceled at the last minute.

The main route to Baghdad is overland. This is the way we had entered Iraq o­n our last trip in February, just before the war. Then, it was a grueling 16-hour drive across the desert, but the o­nly harrowing aspect of the trip was that cars and oil tankers would fly by at 100 miles an hour and risk smashing into each other or careen off the road. Now there was another factor to worry about — Ali Babas (the word Iraqis use for thieves). Since the fall of Saddam Hussein and the ensuing chaos, the road has become part of the wild, wild west, with gunmen shooting at cars and robbing the passengers. We were told that there had been five robberies o­n the road in the past week. We were also told that the US military refuses to take responsibility for patrolling the road, so it's no man's land.

We stopped by the fancy Intercontinental Hotel and ran into an ABC film crew who had a 5-vehicle convoy, including armed ex-New Zealand special forces, leaving for Iraq at dawn. They had plenty of room in their vehicles and wanted to invite us along, but they weren't allowed to because of the liability. They suggested we hire our own car and driver and join their caravan. We figured there was safety in numbers, especially since they had armed guards for protection.

For $300, we hired an Iraqi driver, who picked us up in his big white GMC suburban at 4:30 am.

****

We met up with the ABC crew, and we were positioned as car number 4, just in front of the armed vehicle. We were told that the most dangerous part was the final leg, about 150 miles before Baghdad. At that point, we were to halt for a short pit stop, then race ahead — non-stop — at 140 miles an hour. Each of their cars had a walky-talky and flack jackets that the crew was encouraged to put o­n in the final lap. There were no extras for us, but I couldn't imagine wearing o­ne anyway. I figured that the thieves were interested in robbing us, not killing us, and wondered if the danger factor wasn't a bit exaggerated to drive up the price of the overland trip.

The convoy started out towards the border, which was about a 3-hour drive, with another 6 hours from the border to Baghdad. An hour into the drive, the last car — with o­ne carrying the “firepower” — started sputtering from a clogged fuel line. We kept stopping every ten minutes to try to fix it, until the head of logistics decided to call in a replacement vehicle.

Our Iraqi driver spoke just enough English to let us know that he thought it was dangerous to wait because he didn't want to enter Baghdad in the dark. He also said that if we wanted to travel with a caravan, we could hook up with other cars at the border. We weighed the pros and cons of staying with the ABC crew. Besides the wait, we wondered if perhaps their souped up vehicles with flashing lights and ABC signs in the windows sent out a message ” Rob me, rob me — we're rich Americans with plenty of cash and expensive equipment.” We decided to venture off o­n our own.

The border crossing leaving Jordan was a chaotic mess. Unlike our pre-war trip in February when there were o­nly a few cars and oil tankers o­n the road, now there was a sea of vehicles — rickety old cars and modern suburbans, trucks and trailers loaded with plywood, wheat, electronic goods. The US military had declared that with the exception of weapons and drugs, anything could be brought into the country duty-free for a period of three months. Since 13 years of sanctions had starved the country of many goods, the floodgates were now open. The post-war reality, however, is that most Iraqis have no jobs or purchasing power, so the bulk of the supplies coming in was to house and care for the US military.

Our first encounter with US troops came when we crossed the Iraqi border. Two red-faced boys with fuzzy cheeks who couldn't have been over 18 ran up to greet us, happy to find English speakers. At 9 am, the day was already promising to be a scorcher and these poor kids, o­ne from Kansas and the other from Arkansas, were dripping with sweat as they stood in the sun in their combat boots, flack jackets and thick helmets, holding AK47s.

As we waited for our passports to be processes, we talked to a dozen more soldiers. They didn't speak the language or understand the culture. Their bodies weren't conditioned for the oppressive heat that shot up to 120 degrees in the shade. They were sick of eating tasteless military rations (“What I'd give for a REAL meal,” o­ne of the boys said wistfully as he allowed me to sample his MREs). They were mostly young kids dreaming about their girlfriends and families and air-conditioning and hamburgers. All they wanted was to be sent back home — “Yesterday wouldn't be soon enough,” said a freckle-faced recruit from Wisconsin.

They had come to fight a war and now found themselves patrolling the border, searching for stolen goods or fake passports. While they were good-natured to us, they were gruff with the Iraqis. They barked orders at them in English, with hand signals. “Stop, pull your car over, get out, get o­n line.”

The Iraqis waiting in line for their entry stamps looked tired, hungry and exasperated at having their country's border controlled by 18-year-old foreigners strutting around with guns or sitting atop heavily armored humvees and tanks. The whole scene was unnerving, a flashback to the days of British colonialism. The US weaponry might be modern, but the model of occupying someone else's country is definitely an old o­ne. Just from watching the scene at the border, you could smell trouble.

****

Once we cleared the border, we still had a six-hour drive into Baghdad. We had been told that at the gas station after the border crossing, vehicles waited to hook up with other vehicles to make the trip together. But our driver, Razak, didn't want to be slowed downed by a big caravan. He hooked up with o­nly o­ne other car. We worried that we didn't have the safety of numbers, but by that time we were pretty much resigned to do whatever our driver told us. He had made the trip many times before and seemed to know the lay of the land.

On his advice, we stopped to hide our money and other valuables in the crooks and crannies of the SUV — the air vents, the side rests, the cracks in the back of the seats.

Our two cars drove through what our driver called “Ali Baba land” at about 120 miles an hour. Whizzing by the road from time to time we could see the debris of war — the carcasses of tanks, overturned buses, bomb craters, abandoned houses. At about 5 pm — after 11 hours o­n the road — we made it safely to Baghdad.

****

Our hotel, the Andaluz Apartments, is the same place we stayed when we were here in February. The owners and staff greeted us with joy and open arms. We had become very close during our last visit, as it was an incredibly tense time just before the US invasion. We were delighted to find them all in o­ne piece, but they told us their terrifying stories of living through the invasion. The manager's home had been bombed by mistake, and he was still in the process of fixing it. Just across the road is the Palestine Hotel, where US troops had been stationed and where several journalists had been killed by US firepower.

When we asked about conditions right now, their biggest complaints were about two things: the lack of security and the lack of electricity. The security problem is mainly the result of the chaos the invasion unleashed. With no government and no authority, there were thieves constantly o­n the prowl. “Ali Babas” had already looted and gutted just about every government building, and now they were breaking into businesses and homes, even pulling people from their cars to steal the vehicle. Stories of girls being kidnapped and raped made many women afraid to leave their homes. Gunfire could be heard in different parts of the city every night. There was an 11 pm curfew, but most people were in their homes by 7 am. In fact, many businesses were now closing at 3 pm. Without security, said o­ne of the staff, we have nothing.

The other major complaint was the lack of electricity, The gas pipeline that feeds the power stations in Baghdad had been bombed during the war, and since the war, looters or saboteurs steal the electric wires and topple the pylons. The shortage of electricity is exacerbated by the suffocating heat. Without fans or air-conditioning, people have trouble working and sleeping. Without refrigeration, they can't stop food from getting rancid. Without electricity, the water pumps don't work. Without electricity, the gas can't be pumped from the gas stations. Without electricity, the traffic lights don't work and the roads are clogged and utterly chaotic. And without electricity, the streets are dark at night, making it easier for the thieves to roam at will.

The complaints about security and electricity that we heard the moment we walked into our hotel were complaints we would hear repeated over and over again during our stay. The other preoccupation was the lack of jobs, with hundreds of thousand of people — from soldiers to state functionaries — now out of work. And for the lucky few who have jobs, the salaries are totally inadequate to compensate for the rising prices.

It's true that there are many positive changes since the downfall of Saddam Hussein's regime. Iraqis are for the most part delighted that Saddam is gone. We met people who had family members tortured and killed by the prior regime who, for the first time, are able to openly grieve and seek justice. We met Iraqis returning from decades in exile who are overflowing with emotion at being able to come back home. Iraqis are just discovering the newfound freedoms like freedom of speech, assembly and association. We accompanied workers at the Palestine Hotel who went o­n strike and successfully got rid of the hotel's abusive general manager. We walked with women from a newly formed women's group demanding their rights and a say in the new government. Young students who had little access to outside information are now saving their money to get o­n-line at o­ne of the new Internet cafes.

But despite these positive openings, most of the people we meet say their lives were better before — under Saddam Hussein — than they are now. Before, at least there was order. Before at least they had jobs and salaries, electricity and water. Before, at least women were not afraid to walk the streets.

A common refrain is “How come the Americans were so prepared and competent when it came to making the war but so utterly unprepared and incompetent when it comes to rebuilding?” Every day, the US is loosing ground here in Iraq. There is an average of 13 attacks a day o­n the occupation forces, and there is less and less sympathy among Iraqis when US soldiers are attacked. To many, the words freedom and liberation now seem like a cruel joke.

****

One of our visits in Baghdad was to the famous circle where the statute of Saddam Hussein had come tumbling down, the scene that was showed over and over o­n US television. Now, a new, rather indecipherable three-headed statue by a young Iraqi artist was in its place. But curiously, o­n the column just beneath the statue, someone had written in bright red paint and imperfect English, “All 'donne'. Go home.”

Sitting around the circle in the brutal heat were money-changers with thick wads of Saddam Hussein bills, which is ironically still the currency being used. Behind the money changers were mounds of barbed wire and US soldiers sitting atop ferocious-looking tanks, weapons readied. This was now a common scene o­n the streets of Baghdad. Armored vehicles. US soldiers in camouflage uniform, guns pointing at the locals. Checkpoints where Iraqis get enraged when male US soldiers check Iraqi females.

Two elderly money-changers in long flowing robes and white caps were sitting at their outdoor stand and we started chatting. They asked where we were from. “Oh, America,” o­ne answered, crossing his arms against his chest, “I love America.” “How about the soldiers?” we asked, pointing behind them. The man who “loved America” said how happy they were to be free of Saddam Hussein, but the other man pointed to the column with the graffiti. “So you think the soldiers should go home to America?” I asked. Both men broke out in big grins. “Yes, Saddam gone. That's good. Soldiers should go, too. Many Iraqis don't like them here.”

They told us that if conditions in Iraq do not improve soon — a month, two months, six months — it won't be just Saddam loyalists or Shi'ite fundamentalists but ordinary Iraqis who would fight to get rid of the Americans. “We have a 9000 year-old culture, you have a 200 year-old culture,” o­ne of the men said, “I think we can figure out our own future.”

Iraqis are puzzled why the United States, a country that can make bombs so smart they target a particular building from 30,000 miles in the air, can't give Iraqis electricity or create a functioning economy. Some are so puzzled that they have concluded that the United States is purposely trying to destroy every aspect of the economy so that they can come in and rebuild it in their own image. Others attribute the mess to incompetence, arrogance or stupidity.

No matter the reason, in this land of 120-degree weather and no rain, the US is sinking deeper and deeper into a quagmire. The Iraqis are a patient, generous people. For lack of an alternative, most are still willing to give the US more time. But the clock is ticking and patience is wearing thin.

This is in “Reports from Iraq,” o­n the site of the Baghdad-based International Occupation Watch Center, a watchdog coalition of peace and justice groups that focuses o­n Iraq becoming functional — thank goodness attention is being paid. This coalition is part of another coalition, United for Peace and Justice, with more than 600 anti-war member groups.

Media Benjamin is Founding Director of the human rights organization, Global Exchange. She is a leading activist in the peace movement in the United States and helped bring together the groups forming United for Peace and Justice.


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A heartwarming and maddening report “On the Question of Marijuana’s Safety”

Alexander Shulgin, who has been to contemporary times what Timothy Leary and Richard Alpert were to the 60s, says things that are guaranteed to surprise you. Shulgin is a very good writer, making sense of these times.

On the Question of Marijuana's Safety

Dear Dr. Shulgin:

Based o­n the drug research that you have done, I would love to have your opinions concerning the use of marijuana. Does it cause learning problems? Does it damage the ability to store long-term memory? Does it make something go wrong in the brain? With all the anti-marijuana zealots out there, it is hard to get to the truth. — M.J.

Dear M.J.:

I am afraid I cannot be much of a source of truth here, as I really do not know. None of my research has dealt with the use of marijuana, and what I have read in the scientific literature leaves me with the impression that it is slanted towards the negative. This is not at all surprising, as our Government is dedicated to the presentation of the use of marijuana as a socially dangerous thing and o­ne that must be eventually brought under control. And this Government is the source of the permission, and of the marijuana itself, and of most of the funds that support the few research projects that do take place. As with most of the research in the area of psychotropic (and illegal) drugs, a researcher's continuing to be awarded future grants will depend o­n what he finds and reports from his earlier studies.

Kevin Zeese, the President of Common Sense for Drug Policy, wrote a chilling note recently, presenting the political side of the marijuana health issue. Tapes have recently been released of President Nixon's discussions in the Oval Office during the 1970-1971 period. Congress was uncertain of the appropriateness of placing marijuana in Schedule I in the new Controlled Substances Act, and thus created a commission to research the subject and recommend a long-term strategy. Nixon did most of the appointing of the members, with Raymond Schafer being the Chairman (it became known as the Schafer Commission) and nine others. Most were pretty much law-and-order people and bigwigs from a law school here and a mental health hospital there. Four members of Congress served o­n it as well.

This Schafer Commission was officially known as the National Commission o­n Marijuana and Drug Abuse, and it took its job seriously. They launched fifty research projects and polled members of the criminal justice community. After reviewing all the evidence the commission came to an unexpected conclusion, unexpected to them, at least. Rather than harshly condemning marijuana, they started talking about removing it from the Federal drug law. Nixon heard about this, some months before the report was to be publicly released. He warned Schafer to get control of the Commission, and from the tapes o­ne hears that they must avoid looking like a “bunch of do-gooders,” who are “soft o­n marijuana.”

Nonetheless, the Commission recommended the decriminalization or non-profit transfer of marijuana. No punishment — criminal or civil — under State or Federal law. The day before the Commission released its report, the tapes show that Nixon had a different opinion. “We need, and I use the word 'all out war,' o­n all fronts … we have to attack o­n all fronts.” Aiming towards the 1972 presidential election year, Nixon proposed that he do “a drug thing every week” that would make a “Goddamn strong statement about marijuana … that just tears the ass out of them.” These tapes are at www.csdp.org.

I am sure that this report might well address some of the questions that you have asked. Unfortunately, those experiments that can document the quality of learning or of memory, with or without marijuana use, are virtually undoable. Looking at people I know, I can see no suggestion that those who are users are in a mental class distinct from those who are not users. A precious example of the political anti-marijuana mind-set can be had from the answer from John Lawn, the former head of the DEA, at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco, February 1986.

Question: “What's wrong with legalizing marijuana?”

Answer: “I think that if we decide upon legalization, we can forget democracy as we now know it. In experiment animals mutations in the brain caused by marijuana is (sic) found not o­nly in the user or the user's offspring, but in the offspring's offspring. The dangers associated with cannabis are different than those associated with alcohol. Marijuana is fat-soluble and o­ne third of the brain is fat.”

As Molder's wall-poster said, o­n the X-Files, “The Truth Is Out There”, but I do not think we will have factual answers to your questions within my lifetime.

–Dr. Shulgin

Dr. Alexander Shulgin is a chemist and author. He has created over 200 novel compounds with visionary properties. His Center for Cognitive Liberty & Ethics (CCLE)  supports public policies that foster and protect cognitive liberty: the right of each individual to think independently, to use the full spectrum of his or her mind, and to engage in multiple modes of thought.


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Where Oh Where Could Those WMD Be?

On this festive day, this seems like the right kind of post. I expected this rundown of winners in a contest to come up with locations of Iraq's missing WMD to be all over the Net after I got it from listmember Ed Herman — of all serious people to send out something so funny — but I haven't seen it otherwise.  Thanks Ed.  This comes from “In the Loop,” a column Al Kamen writes in the Washington Post.

Where Are the WMD? The Winners Are . . .

By Al Kamen, 6/30/03

Finally, we have some solid clues as to the whereabouts of Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction. Hundreds of Loop Fans submitted excellent suggestions, which we'll be forwarding to the appropriate authorities.

Here are the top 10 entries, in no particular ranking:

• “He changed the invoices and had them shipped to, and stored at, the National Records Center in Suitland, Md. All we need to find them is the right reference number. I believe they are next to the box which has the Ark of the Covenant.” — Alfred H. Novotne, an attorney with the Army at Fort McCoy in Wisconsin.

• “Saddam Hussein's stockpiles of weapons have been ground into radioactive bird feed in order to raise a species of super chickens capable of scratching out simple subtraction problems in the dirt. These new chickens will be known as Capons of Math Deduction.” — Lewis Roth, assistant executive director of Americans for Peace Now.

• “He gave them to Martha Stewart to conceal. She hand-gilded the shells and used her hot-glue gun to attach them to wreaths and swags. Surrounded by tinted seed-pods, dried hydrangea blossoms and sprigs of eucalyptus, they hang now upon doors and over windows across New England and the mid-Atlantic.” — Brenda Clough, financial manager of the U.S. Army Warrant Officers Association.

• “I saw them in a white van with a ladder rack, somewhere o­n the road in the D.C. region. Maybe Chief Moose can help us find it.” — John Raffetto, a vice president at Infotech Strategies, a D.C. public relations firm.

• “They're hiding the WMD in the Boston Red Sox bullpen: Those guys are getting paid a lot of money to protect something, and it ain't leads.” — Keith Cunningham, a senior analyst with the General Accounting Office.

• “A town along the Euphrates, halfway from Baghdad to Syria, whose name sounds like a let's-laugh-up-our-sleeves, hide-it-in-plain-sight, kind of place: Al Hadithah. That would be how someone with a southern accent (perhaps a Texan?) might say, 'I'll hide it there.' ” — the Rev. Peter W. Rehwaldt, coordinator, office of institutional research at the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley, Calif.

• “I have them,” signed Jayson Blair, journalist, New York, New York — forwarded by Robin D. Grove, an environmental consultant in Maryland.

• “At the Lost and Found/Bell Captain's Desk of the hotel in Baghdad where Donald Rumsfeld stayed in Dec. 1983.” — Byron Sigel, director, Japan Program, the Nature Conservancy, Tokyo.

• “Saddam lost them to Bill Bennett in a high-stakes game of Caribbean Poker.” — Notre Dame student John T. Long of Daytona Beach, Fla.

• “WMD will be found lying o­n the ground in a walkway behind Saddam Hussein's house, probably next to an ill-fitting glove.” — Sara Ulyanova, an English teacher in San Pedro Sula, Honduras.

There were five honorable mentions.

• “Saddam returned his WMD to the Baghdad Wal-Mart for credit. They're in the stock room with seasonal goods.” — retired Foreign Service officer Gerald C. Mattran, Springfield, Va.

• “A thorough search of the Gulf of Tonkin might be revealing.” — Kim Schmidgall, Oxnard, Calif.

• “They have been secreted away in Sammy Sosa's bats.” — Washington lawyer Asheesh Agarwal (the first of many).

• “The WMD are in the same place as all the loans we made to Ghana.” — Alex Riley, relationship officer at the Export-Import Bank.

Finally, this o­ne, “Political Party Answers to the question,” doesn't help the search teams, but . . .

• “Republican: Bill Clinton is hiding them and if you don't send us money, Hillary will be president.

Democrat: Ronald Reagan got them back in 1986 and forgot to tell anyone.

Green: Ralph Nader would have found them.

Socialists/Communists: Let's hire all the Iraqi people; o­ne of them will tell us o­nce they are all equal.

Independents: The administration lied about WMD? And this is news, how?” — Bill Lawhorn, an economist at the Bureau of Labor Statistics.


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