Jacob Levich paints the picture of American Empire

Jacob Levich wrote a piece, Yes, Tony, There is a Conspiracy – New Iraq Report, about a report that he had a hand in producing, that documents the shocking long range plan of this administration.

Jake came o­n our list when TheConversation posted something he wrote that was circulating widely o­n the Net after Bush addressed Congress, post 9/11: Bush's Orwellian Address – Happy New Year: It's 1984. A sentence: “The defining speech of Bush's presidency points toward an Orwellian future of endless war, expedient lies, and ubiquitous social control.”

This new piece, which Jake wrote a couple of weeks ago, chillingly fleshes out what that first o­ne pointed to. However, it makes a  statement that was so shocking that I wondered about not seeing it anywhere else. Also, it was part of a larger picture, of “American Empire,” that  the conspiracy theorists were promoting but seemed to me most likely untrue.  Here's Jake's paragraph that I had doubts about:

Sen. Richard Lugar, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, quietly passed word to Russia and France that their countries will be frozen out of staggeringly lucrative postwar oil contracts unless they roll over and endorse the US attack.

If this were true, surely everyone would be up in arms over it, yet no more about it ever turned up. But, the piece scratched at me, especially as more stories about a U.S. master plan started coming from sources I respect — before Frontline put the seal o­n it this week (see below).  So, I went o­n the Net and searched. That Lugar item is out there — not in the American press, and o­nly o­n a couple of websites, but it was in the London ObserverUS buys up Iraqi oil to stave off crisis:

Richard Lugar, the hawkish chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, suggests reluctant Europeans risk losing out o­n oil contracts. 'The case he had made is that the Russians and the French, if they want to have a share in the oil operations or concessions or whatever afterward, they need to be involved in the effort to depose Saddam as well,' said Lugar's spokesman.

Why aren't we arresting the United States for criminal behavior? Why doesn't anybody with the power to help remove Bush from office point to the nakedness of our emperor? Is it OK to threaten countries with economic ruin to get them to behave in ways we want? Add a question about buying our way into Turkey with money that's going to causes we find unsupportable. “We've pretty much already agreed to allow tens of thousands of Turkish troops to march into Iraqi Kurdistan to ruthlessly put down any Kurdish nationalism,” is what they said o­n warblogging.com. This is not to mention Turkey's negotiating for enough money for reconstruction up front because Afghanistan was abandoned by us and Turkey doesn't want the same fate. But, wait a minute, this bargain is being struck in the face of  us being about to participate in devastation being wreaked o­n Turkey. I don't know, maybe it's cause I'm a girl, but this calm process of guaranteeing rebuilding for what we are about to level doesn't rest easy in my psyche. I want all the money that's being spent o­n warring to go to making this a better world.

Quotes from Jake's Iraq piece:

Yes, Tony, there is a conspiracy, in the dictionary sense of the term: an agreement among people to perform a criminal or wrongful act. It consists not of a tiny cabal, but of the whole of the American power elite, from politicians to business executives to journalists…

Behind the Invasion of Iraq, the startling new book-length report authored by the Research Unit for Political Economy (RUPE), synthesizes the seemingly disparate threads of the US war drive in what amounts to a blistering indictment of American foreign policy. The report is lavishly documented and jargon-free; the effect, especially for readers with limited understanding of global commerce and finance, is of puzzle pieces clicking decisively into place.

The RUPE report wholly confirms the widely-held view of the coming war as a massive oil grab, “on a scale not witnessed since the days of colonialism.” Further, the current debate about arms inspections and alleged links to al-Qaeda is revealed as pure political theater, since the decision to invade Iraq was made months ago…

The US invasion of Iraq needs to be understood not as an end in itself but as the means to an end — the foundation of a New American Empire.

Listmember Rick Ingrasci [rick@bigmindmedia.com] sent this:

Subject: Frontline tells it like it is…

Dear Friends,

If you didn't catch Frontline o­n PBS — a show entitled “The War Behind Closed Doors” — you might want to check it out o­nline at http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/iraq/.

A taste:

As the U.S. stands at the brink of possible war with Iraq, many are now warning about the potential consequences: the danger of getting bogged down in Baghdad, the prospect of longtime allies leaving America's side, the possibility of chaos in the Middle East, the threat of renewed terrorism.

But the Bush administration insiders who helped define the “Bush Doctrine,” and who have argued most forcefully for war, are determined to set a course that will remake America's role in the world. Having served three Republican presidents over the course of two decades, this group of close advisers — among them Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, and perhaps most importantly, Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz — believe that the removal of Saddam Hussein is the necessary first act of a new era.

In “The War Behind Closed Doors,” FRONTLINE traces the inside story of how that group of advisers — calling themselves “neo-Reaganites,” “neo-conservatives,” or simply “hawks” — set out to achieve the most dramatic change in American foreign policy in half a century: a grand strategy, formally articulated in the National Security Strategy released last September, that is based o­n preemption rather than containment and calls for the bold assertion of American power and influence around the world.

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Encouragement to carry on from Tom Hayden

Here's a second stirring call today. As we see we can be a force, we become that force. This helps. I especially like the door Hayden keeps open at the end, where he notes that even if the unthinkable happens, and we go to war, our efforts will continue to build o­n themselves until the people take back this stolen land.

If Bush exposes American troops to chemical attack in the desert at a cost of $200 billion for a permanent imperial outpost, the peace movement will o­nly grow. The stage is set for what was unthinkable six months ago, a serious presidential campaign in 2004. The nobodies are becoming a force to contend with.

TOM HAYDEN o­n RADIO NATION  2/19/03

A few weeks ago I said the peace movement was larger than the movement at a comparable time as the Vietnam war began. Revise that estimate.

The current peace movement is the largest in history. Period. Over ten million people demonstrated in mid-February in 600 cities around the world. The New York Times threw its customary caution to the winds, declaring that there may be two superpowers o­n the planet, the White House and world public opinion.

And this war hasn’t even started. The cynics say the anti-Vietnam movement was big because of the draft and the fear of American casualties. But here you have a larger movement already, a global movement, with no draft and no body bags. What will they think up next to deflate this movement?

They’ve already started blaming the Europeans as if they were wimpy McGovern Democrats.

It’s very confusing. Growing up with a Marine father, I heard that we fought World War 2 to end German militarism, Nazism, nationalism. Now the Bush Administration complains that the Germans have become too pacifist, which I thought was the point!

Globalization apologists like Thomas Friedman are calling for the expulsion of France from the UN Security Council. The complaint is that they are unserious, stupid, insufferable, cheese-eating surrender monkeys. Okay, they like organic food, and their own movies, and they have a 35 hour workweek. That’s why the White House and corporations are rubbing their hands over the new Europe to the east where labor is cheap and US military bases are welcomed.

The willingness of France and Germany to balk at the American empire so far is a great tribute to the power of people in the streets in those countries. The corporate media were clueless, but the resistance around the world went wild when the French foreign minister embraced the slogan of the anti-globalization movement to close his speech at the Security Council: France, he declared, “believes in our ability to build together a better world.”

The smug dreams of empire are turning into a chapter in Barbara Tuchman’s March to Folly. President Bush is home alone. His poll ratings o­n the war and the economy are dropping like smart bombs o­n his presidency. o­nly 45 percent would vote for him if the election were held today, against 40 percent who would vote for an unnamed alternative, a nobody! If Bush exposes American troops to chemical attack in the desert at a cost of $200 billion for a permanent imperial outpost, the peace movement will o­nly grow. The stage is set for what was unthinkable six months ago, a serious presidential campaign in 2004. The nobodies are becoming a force to contend with.

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Colin Powell is no Adlai Stevenson

I haven't found this piece,sent by Maireid Sullivan, to be in wide circulation, and wanted to bring you this  unique perspective o­n our times. We get food for thought about what's happening now from these intimate sharings about what was going o­n when containment of Russia, not Iraq, was the issue.  Adlai Stevenson delivered the talk to the Security Council that confirmed Soviet missile-building in Cuba.  His son, Adlai Stevenson III, writes this piece to rebut those who are comparing Colin Powell to his dad.

Different Man, Different Moment

by Adlai E. Stevenson III – New York Times | Op-Ed  2/7/03

Quotes

Pundits and officials in Washington have dubbed Secretary of State Colin Powell's attempt to make a case for war against Iraq in the United Nations Security Council an “Adlai Stevenson moment.” I couldn't disagree more. My father was Adlai Stevenson, who in 1962, as President Kennedy's representative to the United Nations, presented the Security Council with incontrovertible proof that the Soviet Union, a nuclear superpower, was installing missiles in Cuba and threatening to upset the world's “balance of terror.” That “moment” had an obvious purpose: containing the Soviet Union and maintaining peace. It worked, and eventually the Soviet Union collapsed under its own weight. This moment has a different purpose: war. The Bush administration clearly rejects the idea of containing Iraq through committed monitoring by the United Nations, even though this course is the better option…

The 19 men armed with box cutters did not expect to bring down all of America. o­nly America can do that. They expected a reaction. The o­ne they should get is to be treated as criminals, hunted down and brought to justice. Bringing war o­nly confirms complaints that the United States is waging a war against Islam. It can also give terrorists the reaction they seek.

Whether made by Al Qaeda or Saddam Hussein, today's threats require a multidimensional response, including efforts to address the widening gap between the haves and the have nots, the horrible conditions in which most people around the world struggle to survive. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a good place to begin. The United States loses credibility when perceived as supporting terror in o­ne part of the Mideast, while professing to fight it elsewhere.

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